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Dec 03rd
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Rethinking Pro-Life Strategy—The Human Life Amendment

by Robert Muise, Thomas More Law Center

The debate

Over the past year, debate and discussion over the direction of the pro-life movement has increased profoundly.  National leaders of the movement, including Catholic leaders, have eschewed—and in some cases directly opposed—efforts to pass constitutional “human life amendments” at the state level.  Instead of supporting such a strategy, they largely favor the current “incremental” approach, which offers no plan or promise of ending abortion in the foreseeable future.  After 35 years of abortion on demand through all nine months of pregnancy, it is time to rethink pro-life strategy and the efficacy of the national pro-life movement.

 
While seeking to decrease the number of abortions performed in this country is a laudable endeavor and should continue, we must never forget that ending all abortions is the ultimate goal.  Protecting innocent human life is not negotiable.  Accordingly, we should not corrupt our discourse by even suggesting that it is.  The fundamental human right is the right to life itself.  This is true of life from its earliest stage of development until natural death.  Abortion, consequently, cannot be a human right—it is the very opposite.


Protecting innocent human life from its very beginning is a pro-life imperative—there are no exceptions.  Critics of this approach appear to argue that regulating abortion and seeking to end abortion are “either or” propositions—this is a false dichotomy.  There is no conflict between the two positions, so long as principle is not compromised in the process.  Both strategies can and must coexist.  However, it would be a tragic mistake to be content with a strategy that makes ending abortion secondary to other regulatory efforts, or worse yet, a strategy that avoids it altogether.  Accordingly, passing a human life amendment should be the pro-life movements’ main effort.

 
The humanity of the unborn and the inhumanity of abortion

A state human life amendment presents not only an opportunity to challenge the essential holding of Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), it provides a historic opportunity to educate the general public regarding the harm caused by all abortions, not just late-term, partial-birth abortions, which, in comparison, are far fewer in number.  Accordingly, such an amendment provides the pro-life movement with the opportunity to demonstrate the humanity of the unborn victim at the earliest moments of life and the inhumane way in which this life is destroyed by abortion.  Demonstrating the humanity of the victim is a key component in social reform.  Throughout the history of our nation, social reform has always been achieved through such efforts, which dramatize the injustice and prick the collective conscience of the culture.  Examples of this phenomenon include the abolition of child labor and the civil rights movement.  Abortion should be included in this list.
A criticism of the human life amendment approach is that the American public is not ready to accept the reality that human life begins at fertilization.  If this criticism is valid, then it is a serious indictment of the national pro-life movement and calls into question its efficacy over the years.  A human life amendment provides an opportunity to remedy this grave deficiency, which alone is reason enough to support such a strategy.
In the final analysis, we are in this fight to win, not to go on in perpetuity, content with an occasional “honorable mention.”  To succeed in this fight, we must have leaders who are committed to winning it.  

Defining victory

What does it mean to win the pro-life fight?  John Paul II defined the objective in the Gospel of Life,
The human being is to be respected and treated as a person from the moment of conception; and therefore from that same moment his rights as a person must be recognized, among which in the first place is the inviolable right of every innocent human being to life.
Evangelium Vitae at ¶ 60. A human life amendment seeks to achieve this objective—and nothing less.  Accordingly, a human life amendment must be part of our national strategy.
Challenging the essential holding of Roe v Wade

Roe v. Wade was and continues to be widely-decried by legal scholars on both sides of the issue as being without constitutional warrant.  However, it cannot be gainsaid that the essential holding of Roe v. Wade remains the primary obstacle to any meaningful pro-life initiative that seeks to end abortion.  
To remove this obstacle, a case must be presented to the United States Supreme Court that challenges the central premise of Roe—that the unborn is not a person within the meaning of the law.  In Roe, the Court conceded that if the “personhood” of the fetus “is established, [the case for abortion], of course, collapses, for the fetus’ right to life would then be guaranteed specifically by the [Fourteenth] Amendment.”  Roe, 410 U.S. at 156-57.  The Court reviewed the language of the United States Constitution and concluded that the word “person” did not have any prenatal application.  Id.  A state human life amendment seeks to establish “personhood” as a state constitutional right.
In the early years of the pro-life movement, there was national support for a federal human life amendment—a proposal that would amend the United States Constitution.  Some legal scholars saw such a proposal as a legitimate means for seeking reversal of the Roe decision.  Despite such efforts in the 1980s, attempts to reverse Roe by a federal constitutional amendment or statute failed.  Unfortunately, some national leaders consider the prospects for doing so now or in the near future as almost nonexistent in light of current political realities.  

On this point, critics of a state constitutional amendment strategy often conflate early failed attempts to pass a federal constitutional amendment with local efforts to pass a state constitutional amendment.  With regard to “political realities,” the two are incomparable.  The current political reality is that an amendment to a state constitution, such as in Georgia, has a very good chance of succeeding—if the national pro-life leadership would support it.  In this regard, the Georgia Right to Life should be commended for continuing the fight despite the lack of national support.

In the final analysis, when the Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade in 1973, establishing abortion as a virtually absolute right, the issue did not go away.  Indeed, there is no greater social issue that tears at the soul of America today than abortion.  And the reason for that is simple: abortion is intrinsically evil.  No Supreme Court pronouncement nor constitutional amendment creating an abortion right in the future will ever change that fact.  The same cannot be said of any number of social issues prevalent today.  The closest issue is slavery, which took a civil war and a constitutional amendment to resolve.  
As history teaches, William Wilberforce repented of his incremental approach, and then went about the business of winning total emancipation for the slaves in the British empire.  And the words penned by Martin Luther King, Jr. in his Letter from Birmingham Jail ring true today:
“We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor, it must be demanded by the oppressed.  Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was ‘well timed’ in view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation.  For years now I have heard the word ‘wait’!  It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity.  This ‘Wait’ has almost always meant ‘Never.’  We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that ‘justice too long delayed is justice denied.’”

Unfortunately, the longer we “wait” the more lives are lost and the more engrained abortion will become in our Nation’s social fabric.  Now is the time to shift our pro-life strategy to include efforts to pass state human life amendments.

Robert J. Muise is an attorney with the Thomas More Law Center, a national, public interest law firm based in Ann Arbor, Michigan.  The Law Center is committed to defending the sanctity of human life.

 

Re-printed with permission from Celebrating Life

 

The Prolife Cause and the Coming Revolution

Abortion and the Death of Man

by Nigel M. de S. Cameron

As we approach the 30th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, a new and ever more complex threat to the dignity of humankind lies on the horizon. The struggle for the dignity of the unborn is unrelenting. More slowly than many predicted, the challenge of euthanasia continues to gain ground. Yet side by side with them both comes the revolution in biotechnology. Heralded by cloning, the first great battle in this war on human nature, the broader biotech agenda has hardly begun to catch our attention. Yet it threatens to overshadow every other issue in the fight for the sanctity and dignity of life.

Because abortion is not, ultimately, about just the killing of the unborn; it is about the power to kill - the power of some human beings over others, the power of the born over the unborn, the unbridled power of one generation to make life and death decisions about the next. Abortion kills the unborn, but not as an end in itself. It kills them in order to demonstrate that mothers and fathers and doctors and the courts will always have the final say in determining the life of the unborn. It kills them to underline our ultimate authority over the generation to come.

And that is why cloning is so important - both the cloning that produces embryos for experiments and destruction, and even more important the cloning that is intended to lead to live birth. These are both exercises of supreme and unrighteous power, the power of some over others. In the one case we have the power of some to determine that others will live and die as laboratory artefacts. In the other case, it is their power to determine who and what these born clonal people shall be.

Prolifers have felt an instinctive commitment to the clonal embryo, made only for experiment and destruction. They have in parallel shared the deep worries of scientists that any attempt to bring clonal embryos to birth by implanting them in the womb will be fraught with danger to embryo and mother alike. They have been less certain of what would actually be wrong if the technique were perfected (perhaps using animals), and it became as "safe" as in vitro fertilization, or maybe even as safe as natural pregnancy. For the sake of argument, it could even be safer. What would be wrong with it then?

This issue is enormous in importance. Our intuitive defense of the experimental embryo is plainly right: in this context, cloning is just another way of making human embryos - like the in vitro techniques that have been used for more than 20 years. As President Bush has said so plainly, to create life to destroy it is wrong. But our equally intuitive caution in condemning the live birth of clonal babies needs to be examined with care and rigor. For it demonstrates how far we need to travel before we have an equally intuitive understanding of the challenges posed by the new powers of biotechnology. And cloning is just the beginning.

The challenges that we are now facing are much more subtle than abortion and destructive experiments on embryos. For the same reason, they are even more dangerous. Like live-birth cloning, in round one, though they may hazard human life that is not their intent. Their intent is to give us control - not through the primitive barbarism of aborting the unborn, but through the new, sophisticated barbarism of designing the born. Our intuition is unprepared, as our hesitant response on the issue of live-birth cloning demonstrates. Yet if we understand that the fundamental issue is one of control, we see a subtle and sinister threat in designer babies that puts the old barbarities of abortion in the shade. This new kind of crime does not simply destroy people made in God's image; it makes people in our own. We can no more weigh this new crime against the old than we can, to take a parallel case, weigh homicide against life-long enslavement; or, to take another highly relevant parallel, the crime of Cain against Abel against the thoroughly technological hubris of the builders of the Tower of Babel. The new class of crime threatens to transcend the old. Abortion, the killing of the unwanted and defective, comes into its own as a subset in the eugenic, designer, control agenda of the brave new biotech world. CBHD


Nigel M. de S. Cameron, PhD is Senior Fellow and International Advisory Board member of the Center for Bioethics and Human Dignity and serves as Director of the Council on Biotechnology Policy and Dean of the Wilberforce Forum.

 

Is Innocent Human Life Ever Negotiable?

by Dan Becker, President, Georgia Right to Life

As we enter the 21st century, Georgia Right to Life finds itself in the middle of a raging debate regarding the future of the pro-life movement. As we face new and emerging medical technologies, many tough questions are raised. “Should we in the pro-life movement, accept that some classes of human life are expendable? For instance, should children conceived during the treatment of infertility, placed in a frozen state, and subsequently abandoned by their parents . . . be protected by law? Should we allow rape and incest exceptions that make it lawful to kill a child based on its manner of conception? What about a woman facing a life threatening ectopic pregnancy . . . what concerns, if any, should she address before seeking medical help?

 

IMAGO DEI and the Pro-life Message in the 21st Century

Genesis 1:27 says, “So God created man in His own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them” (ESV). This verse is the foundation of human dignity throughout Western history. “Imago Dei” is Latin for the “image of God.” To be created imago Dei means being endowed with an immortal spirit, a capacity to know and be known by God, a measure of autonomy and free will in the areas of thought and action, each of which separate us from the rest of creation.

Because we bear the image of God, all mankind, and by extension, each and every human life, has a “specialness” and worth that demands respect. Each human life, from its earliest stage of development, is a unique Person which bears God’s likeness, and should have the same protection of law that is afforded other “persons” in our society. For this reason, all human life should be respected in law. This respect is due regardless of the manner of conception, whether through the marital act, fertilized “in vitro” (IVF), or through the “ex utero” process of Somatic Cell Nuclear Transfer (SCNT, otherwise know as cloning) .

Our United States Constitution limits its protection to “born” persons. This limitation implicitly violates the doctrine of imago Dei, and has resulted in a branch of the pro-life movement now focusing its educational and legislative efforts on promoting “Personhood” as the answer to the emerging biotech issues facing us in the 21st century.

 

IMAGO DEI: Hard Cases Make Bad Law . . . Rape and Incest Exception

“You shall not murder” (Exodus 20:13). This biblical command seems very straightforward in its application. However, when applied to pro-life legislation, we are told that we must make exceptions to this command in order to be effective in the legislature. We respectfully disagree.

A significant number of pro-life laws have been passed in Georgia since 1998, yet in NO case has a “rape and incest” exception been introduced into the law! Since 2000, we have consistently labored to refute this flawed logic by denying our endorsement to any politician who believes otherwise. By God’s grace, Georgia is currently ranked as the 14th most pro-life state in the nation. If we are successful in passing a “juridical personhood” bill (a bill that would protect human life conceived in vitro or ex utero) in 2009, we will advance into the top 5. We went from a 3% pro-life legislure in 2002 to a 53% legislature by 2006. Our insistence on the principle of protecting all human life has resulted in a consistent pro-life standard and message and has produced very pragmatic ends.

We are told by many within the pro-life movement that we must do whatever is necessary “to save as many babies as we can” and on the surface this would appear prudent. The problem is that it requires that we materially participate with legislators who demand that we negotiate and permit the compromise of some human life. Their argument is that it assures that we achieve the highest level of justice that this culture will afford. We allege that if you “aim at nothing, you are sure to hit it!” Pope Benedict XVI has wisely said, “It is necessary to bear concrete witness to the fact that respect for life is the first form of justice that must be applied.” Our aim is to provide a concrete foundation in promoting justice for ALL innocent human life. We have refused to materially participate with any legislator or support his or her legislation if it calls for the destruction of innocent human life in any case other than to save the life of the mother.

Is material participation immoral? We believe it is when it is unbiblical, freely accepts bad side effects, and establishes bad precedents. Mr. Clarke Forsyth, President, Americans United for Life says, “The first principle of morality is to pursue the good and avoid evil. We are to individually turn from evil and do good. This includes an injunction against calculating to do evil in order that good may come. We must also avoid participating in the evil actions of others . . . material cooperation can be morally wrong, just as it can be wrong freely to accept bad side effects. If material cooperation would be unfair or give bad example, or if one has a responsibility to testify to the truth by avoiding even this much association with evil then one should not cooperate materially.” We couldn’t agree more!

Deuteronomy 24:16 states that “nor shall children be put to death for their parents; only for their own crimes may persons be put to death” (NRSV). If we posit that unborn children are “persons” then we can clearly see that God’s word forbids abortion in the cases of rape and incest. To allow our pro-life organizations and pro-life legislators to promote a compromise of this nature damages the very core argument of imago Dei and removes the very sure foundation that all innocent human life should be protected from fertilization until natural death. This is not only a bad example, but it materially cooperates with evil. We have rejected this compromise in Georgia since 2000 and have successfully promoted a culture of life that has been reflected in our laws. In 2006, our Board voted to focus all of our legislative energies on incrementally promoting Personhood (www.personhood.net) as opposed to seeking incremental gains that simply regulate abortion.

 

 IMAGO DEI: The Life of the Mother Exception

We admit that a serious medical condition exists whenever a woman is diagnosed with an ectopic pregnancy. In very rare cases, ectopic pregnancy has resulted in a live birth. Some respected publications put the odds at 60 million to 1. It is always life threatening whenever the embryo attaches to the fallopian tube. There is no medical record of a live birth of an ectopic tubal pregnancy. This diagnosis requires medical intervention in an attempt to successfully treat TWO patients . . . the mother AND the child, otherwise both will perish. To date our medical knowledge and technology is inadequate to save the child. It is estimated that we are just a few years away from the development of an ectogenic womb that may permit the successful treatment of this tragic case.

Does this mean that all approaches to the treatment of an ectopic tubal pregnancy are in keeping with the biblical doctrine of imago Dei? Sadly, no. Many physicians administer the abortifacient drug called methotrexate to patients with early tubal ectopic pregnancies. The object is to avoid the more serious complications that can come from the invasive surgery which removes a section of the fallopian tube containing the dead or dying child and renders the associated ovary sterile. A problem exists when there are multiple fertilized embryos which have successfully implanted in the uterus and would be aborted in the attempt to promote spontaneous regression of the dead fetus. This is a well documented medical scenario. This would entail material participation in the death of innocent human life. The official position statement of the Association of Pro-life Physicians says this, “It is only ethical to remove the tubal pregnancy if spontaneous resolution does not occur after watchful waiting and if the physician is 100% certain that there are no twins. At this point, the embryo in the fallopian tube is likely to be dead and, even if not, the death is unavoidable and unintentional, and the procedure is necessary to save the life of the mother. **In conclusion, there are no occasions in which the intentional killing of the pre-born child is justified.”

Divine law supports the scientific fact that life and personhood begin at fertilization or its equivalent. The 21st century challenges this fact in a host of new battlefields centered in emerging technologies and bio-tech science. If we are unsuccessful in combating the attack on the doctrine of imago Dei, then I fear that we will be inundated with a frankenscience straight from the pages of Huxley’s Brave New World. In the 20th century it was enough that we were pro-life, but in the words of evangelical bioethicist Nigel Cameron, “In the 21st century we must also be pro-human.”

Lessons from History

Whitepapers & Links - Strategy for the 21st Century

The Prolife Cause and the Coming Revolution

Abortion and the Death of Man by Nigel M. de S. Cameron

Re-thinking Pro-life Strategy

Personhood attorney Robert Muise's excellent article on state Human Life amendments

Is Human Life Ever Negotiable?

As we enter the 21st century, Georgia Right to Life finds itself in the middle of a raging debate regarding the future of the pro-life movement. 

Dealing with Exceptions

Can we support laws that are less than perfect?

American Life League's Legislative philosophy

Resources & Links

. . . restoring respect and effective legal protection for all innocent humans from fertilization until natural death.

IBHF offers assessments of the scientific benefits and risks of new developments in biotechnology, while at the same time analyzing their cultural and ethical significance.

Special thanks to CBDH for providing access to their resources

to provide innovative and practical legal and educational solutions on the bio-technical issues of our day